How to Draw Capitalism? Iconography and the Occupy Movement

Last Wednesday the Creative Resistance Research Network hosted the first ‘How to Draw Capitalism‘ workshop at Occupy Finsbury Square. Sat in a circle as the sky drew dark and air turned cold, a dozen occupiers huddled around a splattering of markers and pencils. The workshop was designed to explore the ways in which capitalism and capitalists are represented in social movements and develop new ideas for icons and imagery that capture the contemporary moment.

While signs and images decorate Occupy camps across the world, the banners, posters and flattened cardboard canvases covering these reclaimed spaces are far more likely to use words than images. In this movement we have seen an upsurge of witty slogans, bold typefaces and creative ways of displaying the ‘99%,’ but icons and images remain few and far between. As artists’ cooperative JustSeeds founder Josh MacPhee has said, this has much to do with the difficulties of representing global capitalism in simple, iconic imagery. The same goes, it follows, for financial collapse and debt crisis. There are only so many dollar signs one can draw.

In the Civic Paths project, Lana Swartz writes that while the Occupy Movement has not yet created its own sets of icons, as we saw with ACTUP in the 1980s, It does have a visual culture rich with culture jamming. Appropriated popular culture icons range from Monopoly’s Uncle Moneybags to Warner Brothers’ V for Vendetta (an image first appropriated by the web activist group Anonymous). These figures fill the campsites and websites of Occupy protesters. Occupy Sesame Street, Occupy Star Wars and Occupy Gotham have also made a number of appearances, along with Robin Hood in his many variations from Disney to Kevin Costner.

These pop culture plays have received both praise and criticism. Retooling easily recognisable images reaches viewers by appealing to people’s sense of familiarity. We see Cookie Monster hoarding all the cookies and many of us are in on the joke, we can instantly connect to the character and through this, to the sentiment of the symbols. In this sense, popular culture reappropriations are effective for spreading messages as they can reach a wide audience and touch viewers who already have feelings invested in these icons. On the other hand, those critical of culture jamming see these appropriations as further promoting brands, inadvertently drawing attention (and at times money) back to corporate power.

Seeking to create and circulate more new images and icons, Occupy activists in the states have started an interactive, interanational website called OccupyDesign where camps can submit design requests and designers can create and comment on images from these briefs. The organisers also host face-to-face iconathons and their website provides access to stickers, flyers and posters for download and distribution. This initiative taps into David Harvey‘s recent advice that to succeed the Occupy movement must, among other things, “bring together the creative workers and artists whose talents are so often turned into commercial products under the control of big money power.”

As creative jobs, arts education and arts budgets face increasing cuts, now certainly seems the time to tap into existing talent pools of creative workers who have their own stories to tell about life in the crisis. Sat in that circle last Wednesday at Finsbury Square, one of the three underemployed recent graduates of the Royal College of Art participating in the workshop asked the group, “How many people do you know with a permanent contact?” We went around the circle of twenty and thirty-somethings, many with two or more degrees, to each give our answer: “Maybe 10% of my friends”, “I’d say 5”, “I can’t even think of one…”

Anna Feigenbaum

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Evictions Build Resilience: Lessons from Past Protest Camps

“We have given the women a reasonable amount of time to make their protest, but they are trespassing and they must go.”
-Cyril Woodard, Chairman of the Recreation and Amenities Committee
Newbury Weekly News, Greenham, 21 Jan 1982

“Now is the time for the protesters, having made their point, to move on.”
-Mayor Boris Johnson, BBC News, Occupy LSX, 26 Oct 2011

‘Time to Move On’ the headlines echo across thirty years. There is something eerily similar between this past call on protesters to pack up and the present justifications for an eviction of the OccupyLSX camp outside St. Paul’s Cathedral. Official press releases from St. Paul’s have been vague, citing safety concerns and insisting the Cathedral’s interests are not commercial . Yet this week canon chancellor Dr. Giles Fraser resigned over worries there may be “violence in the name of the church” and St Paul’s called on protesters to leave the site peacefully. Meetings amongst officials are currently taking place to plan legal action around removing the camp.

While the issues and parties at play here differ from past UK protest camps, the basic arguments remain the same. Occupy campers and their growing support network claim a right to peacefully protest. Those with commercial and political interests jeopardised by the continuing presence of the camp appeal to reasonableness and paternalistic concerns for safety in efforts to remove campers. Paving the way for an eviction, authorities rally public support by continually referring to protesters as dirty, clueless nuisances who should ‘get a real job’. An irony not lost on a camp that is, in part, protesting record high unemployment rates including 21% joblessness for 18-24s.

Back in the early 1980s at Greenham Common, protest campers became so used to this kind of name-calling, they would turn such insults into ditties with titles like ‘Brazen Hussies’ and the ‘Layabout Song.’ Although protesters are often painted with a brush of buffoonery, in reality the majority of campers and their supporters are very aware of how media representations operate and have a technological literacy that at times exceeds that of the journalists’ covering their encampment. As russell_collins joked on twitter earlier this week, “ @telegraph : If you’re having problems with your cameras on site, our tech team might be able to help!”

Protesters’ ability to wittingly withstand slanderous attacks, alongside the collective knowledge of many seasoned campaigners and legal advisers, comes in handy when battles move from media frames to legal claims around protesters’ right to camp. Just as protest campers in the UK have historically shown an incredible resilience to name-calling, they’ve also displayed the ability to bounce back–bigger and stronger–from evictions.

Between 1982 and 1985 Greenham Common campers were evicted so many times that most women lost count. Each time structures, food, art and personal belongings were cleared out, trampled and recklessly strewn around. If not rescued in time, items would be fed to a rubbish lorry campers came to call ‘the muncher.’ Yet, instead of moving on, women developed tactics to withstand repeated evictions. Wheels were attached to palettes holding tents and kitchens were made mobile. Sometimes women used yarn to weave together trees on the campsite, making it difficult for police and bailiffs to charge through the camp during evictions. Protesters’ support networks enabled rebuilding by sending more donations and showing encouragement. As one Greenham protester put it, they think we are a handful of women, but “we are 30,000 and there is no way to get rid of us.”

Anti-roads protest campers in the 1990s showed a similar resilience to evictions. Non-violent tactics deployed included lock-ons, tripods and tree-sites. At Newbury Bypass, protesters prepared eviction soundtracks and blasted music from mini-stereos strung around their necks. Humour and playfulness accompanied these evictions. As one protest camper recalls of the eviction at Claremont Road, “people’s determination and humor had maintained their spirits.”

A similar spirit of creativity and commitment fills the square outside St. Paul’s Cathedral. As the possibility of an eviction looms, authorities would be wise to note the age-old saying that “What doesn’t break us, makes us stronger.” Evictions in the US have already resulted in a larger and more directed movement, with disbanded camps rebuilding often within hours. Likewise, if an eviction is scheduled against non-violent protesters outside St. Paul’s, we may see this camp turn from a space of resistance into a space of resilience.

Yet concern should resound over Dr. Fraser’s premonition of violence on the steps of St. Paul’s. For this to come true it would mean yet another show of brutal force by the police against non-violent protesters. Experiencing and witnessing police brutality breeds distrust and justifies anger. It leads to the dangerous and unnecessary deployment of police weaponry, as seen with Tasers at Dale Farm. It leads to IPCC inquests and High Court rulings against illegal police activity. It has no place in a real democracy. 

This is why the people of Tahrir Square send forewarning in their solidarity letter to the Occupy Movement: “If the state had given up immediately we would have been overjoyed, but as they sought to abuse us, beat us, kill us, we knew that there was no other option than to fight back.”

Anna Feigenbaum 

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Protest Camps: A Great British Tradition

On the steps of St. Pauls Cathedral last Saturday, hunched over a cup of tea, the grumbled disdain of a British protester could be heard, “Here we go again, borrowing from America.” Yet while the Occupy movement may have started stateside, protest camps have been around in the UK for years. There is something about the form, the vision, the collective ethos of protest camping that British people find irresistible. And whether or not they know it, those now occupying the square outside St. Paul’s Cathedral are building on a great British tradition.

photo by: Maggie Jones

The largest and most infamous camp in UK history is Greenham Common. What started in September of 1981 as a peace walk of a strong willed few, swelled to become an international movement. Within two years anti-nuclear camps had begun around the UK at bases in Faslane and Molesworth, as well as across four continents with camps in the US, Canada, The Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Australia, South Africa, Japan  and Honduras. The tactics and strategies developed at Greenham Common and in the peace camp movement broke with traditional left styles of organising, centring on creative direct action and non-hierarchical decision-making.

Ten years later protest camps swept through the UK again, this time targeting the building of new motorways.The first of the ‘anti-roads’ camps appeared in Twyford Down in 1992, and soon after protest campers were occupying treetops in Newbury and rows of terrace housing set for demolition in Walthamstow. The rapid growth of these protest camps led to widespread media coverage, as the Economist reported in 1994, “Protesting about new roads has become that rarest of British phenomena, a truly populist movement drawing supporters from all walks of life.”


At the turn of this century the form of the protest camp expanded to large scale anti-summit mobilisations. In the UK, this truly took shape at the Horizone EcoVillage against the 2005 G8 summit in Gleneagles. The camp opened for two weeks providing shelter and food for 5,000 campers while serving as a space to plan and enact protest aimed at the summit.

Building on the Gleneagles experience, climate camp was born in 2006 outside the Drax coal-fired power station in Yorkshire. The camp drew 800 activists, enough to make a marked impression on national media and capture peoples’ imagination. A year later at Heathrow, camp numbers increased to 2,000 for a week long protest against further airport expansion. Following years saw more UK climate camps around the country in Kingsnorth (2008), London (2009) and Edinburgh (2010), and further afield in Canada, the US, Germany, Denmark, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Ghana, Australia and New Zealand.

Photo by: Maggie Jones

This is just a small sampling of British protest camps. In each of these places, camps played a pivotal role, acting as a central base for a broader social movement. What often began as a single camp in a specifically chosen place, spread to neighbouring towns, cities, countries and across continents. While each protest camp is distinct, their organisational structures are similar and their goal of building a better world resonates across time and place.

What makes protest camps irresistible is the unique space they create. In a time when the vast majority of our relationships with strangers are mediated by money, the protest camp is a space for people to come together to talk, share skills and exchange experiences. Alongside this, they are places where conflicts and differences demand accountability and ideologues must compromise for new ideas to grow. The most important thing becomes people’s capacity to listen, to learn from each other. As artist-activist John Jordan explains, ‘When asked how we are going to build a new world, our answer is, we don’t know, but let’s build it together.’

photo by: sk8dancer

With Occupy the London Stock Exchange and smaller encampments in Nottingham, Birmingham and other UK cities now in their second week, and Occupy Finsbury Park continuing to grow, eyes are poised to see if the OccupyTogether model has sticking power across the pond. With current movements against austerity measures already underway, highlighted by the half million strong J30 march last Winter and N9 and N30 strikes and demos planned for November, the sentiments of Occupy Wall St. are certainly shared across the UK. Mix this with a 30 year history of some of the most inspiring and successful protest camps the world has seen and we just might have the recipe for a long-lasting Occupy UK.

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Occupy LSX Day Six: Excerpt from a Social Media ‘Scrapbook’

Day Six at Occupy LSX 

Brought students from my uni. They were full of questions, the kinds of questions that make you smile and stumble, rambling over words. Where there is at once so many points to make and a beauty in the question being impossible to answer alone. And it makes your skin tingle the same way all the other encounters here do. Your heart flips sideways as it expands in attempts to understand more and more:

A banker fired from Lloyds leading a campaign against the company for wrongful termination and ethics violations. A first time protester who just came to check it out and went home for a tent. A woman who spent ten years in prison in Iran during the revolution who tears down a sign I’ve been asked to make about supporting the Cathedral. A man carrying a box of giant letters, a 30 metre clothes line and pegs to make a movable sign ‘like magnetic poetry.’ A composer from Hollywood with huge spiky hair. Two green activists trying to figure out what counts as contaminated rubbish for the recycling bin. A man in his 80s kneeling down to say ‘thank you for being here.’ A man in his 40s on a rusty dutch bike remembering his past self queued up at Selfridges for the next big thing. And yes, there may be ‘the usual suspects’ here as the media moans, but these are not single issue-single race-single religion-single class-single age range crowds. And yes, there are people left out. There are causes lacking signs and spokespeople. But there is an opennes to faults, to growing, to constantly becoming that I have never been a part of before. There is a righteousness that is laced in compassion, a rage that is woven through with patience. As Jesse Cohn said of his visit to Occupy St. Louis, folks here are just “so good at listening to one another.”

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Protest Camps’ Patrick McCurdy interviewed by CBC Radio on Occupy Ottawa

Patrick McCurdy of the Protest Camps Research Collective speaks with the CBC Radio about media frames, activist strategy, social media and police surveillance around the Occupy Movement in Ottawa and around the world. Dr. McCurdy discusses how the absence of a single message doesn’t mean that activists are confused or without a cause. When there are multiple problems, there are multiple demands–but all can be linked back to the state of global capitalism. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FF4_xd9D2cc]

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Protest Camps Now on Twitter

You can now follow protest camps on twitter @protestcamps. We’ll be active during events with live updates and micro-commentary.

Just about to head off to Occupy London Stock Exchange.  #protestcamps,  #OccupyLSX, #OccupyEverywhere.

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Protest Camps featured by the Canadian Centre for Architecture

Second day of Occupy L.A., by Harold Abramowitz

CCA Says “The Protest Camps project, by Anna Feigenbaum, Fabian Frenzel, and Patrick McCurdy, looks at an increasingly visible typology of struggle in uprisings and social struggles around the world, from Tahrir Square to Syntagma Square, and from Puerta del Sol to the parks of Tel Aviv and New York City. It will soon be a book.

What makes protest camps different from space-based forms of dissent such as demonstrations or marches are their attempts to create sustainable and ephemeral infrastructures. Working out of a collaboration with artivistic in the Summer of 2011, the Protest Camps project adopts and develops the term ‘promiscuous infrastructures.’ These infrastructures for daily living and collective action are frequently generated autonomously from existing built environments, so campers might build DIY sanitation systems, communal kitchens, educational spaces, performance stages, as well as media, legal and medical spaces.

We asked Anna Feigenbaum to explain what the project means by ‘promiscuous infrastructures.'” Read our response at CCA Recommends

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Protest Camps is interviewed in the latest issue of FUSE Magazine

For its special issue on Egypt and the Arab Spring, Fuse editor Gina Badger asked Anna Feigenbaum to share her insights on social media and social change.

Drawing on her research and teaching, Dr. Feigenbaum challenged the idea that social media is inherently democratic and argued for a new understanding of social media as ‘container technologies’ that we put stuff into for sharing rather than tools that empower us to share. This shift can help us better account for the multiple ways in which protesters and media makers, as well as corporations, police, military and state authorities are engaging with social media.

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Place-based Protest: A Theory-Slam on Occupy Wall St

photo by Claudia Goldstein

This protest is place-based yet does not seek to claim place as property.
It enacts a ‘reclamation of space’
yet not in the form of confrontation or taking back.
It is not a means of defence against colonialist theft, damaging construction or
corporate contracting–as is often the case with place-based resistance.
Rather, this is protest as reclamation in its life science sense:
‘a recovery from waste.’
A recovery from the emptiness and solemnity of concrete parks
manicured in efforts to breathe life into financial districts.
It is a recovery from the consumerist frenzy and endless tide of tourists snapping up Manhattan.
This occupation, this camp, recovers place.
Frees it from waste through the simple act of using it.

At the same time the right to assemble and occupy is stated by protesters as fact:
This is what this place is for.
Gathering, assembling, discussing, interacting.
Whose streets? Our streets.
Whose Parks? Our Parks.
Whose Squares? Our Squares.
Yet the logic that fuels this place-based coming-together isn’t utopian,
or at least isn’t predominately or primarily an idealistic, youthful quest
for communality.
This is reclamation as analysis of the state of things. Of the state itself.
Whose streets? Our streets.
Our infrastructures are paid for by our taxes taken from our labour given over with our obedience.
And what do we get back?
Trudging through the slew of crappy contracts
ready to be signed in this economy,
it is becoming more and more clear to the 99% that the social one they’ve made
is full of empty promises.

This is reclamation as pragmatism, not dogmatism.

The people currently held in contempt are those that do not pay taxes,
that do not have to obey laws ‘like the rest of us’.
They are the tax dodgers, loopholers, offshore account holders.
Those claiming false expenses, diplomatic immunity, media blackouts.
They want all the rights and liberties without the compromises.
They would rather see empty places go to waste than watch them be used,
be made useful.
They are afraid,
afraid of gathering, assembling, discussing, interacting.

#occupywallstreet: This is not a demand. This is basic reflection.

anna feigenbaum

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Protest Camps presents at ‘Greenham Remembered’

On Sunday Anna Feigenbaum spoke at ‘Greenham Remembered,’ a 30th anniversary event celebrating the lives and legacies of Greenham women.   Anna’s presentation focused on UK protest camps since the 1980s, drawing out parallels between camps and describing how strategies and tactics can travel across and between movements.

In the 1980s the Greenham model of camping at the site of nuclear arms spread around the world. Inspired by Greenham, women’s (and mixed gender) peace camps were set up in countries including Ireland, Italy, Denmark, The Netherlands, Hondurus, Kenya, Australia, the United States and Canada.  As participants of the Puget Sound Women’s Peace Camp in Washington State recall, it was the success and dedication of Greenham Women that got them going in the Summer of 1983:

“Fiona’s enthusiasm and first-hand experience [at Greenham] were curcial in gaining audiences. She urged an immediate start to the  camp … We wrote a unity statement and formed a collective structure with committees on site selection, logistics, outreach and fundraising. Women worked feverishly toward the goal of opening the Camp in early summer—to coincide with the opening of the women’s peace camp in Seneca [New York].”

Protest campers also learn tricks of the trade from each others’ imaginative use of resources. For example, Greenham women learnt how to make benders from travellers who passed through the protest site during the Peace Convoy in 1982. Greenham Women then passed along this knowledge to Anti-Roads protesters a decade later. Today benders are still used at Protest Camps and outdoor festivals around the world.

The ‘Greenham Remembered’ event drew over 50 people, including a number of Greenham alumni, as well as young feminist activists, independent media makers, researchers, CND campaigners and those just keen to learn more about Greenham’s important role in history.

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